Airplane and airport create "air chaos" for Marina and Aécio.

It is ironic that one could use an "aerial" metaphor to describe the predicament in which the two main opposition candidates for president of the Republic have found themselves. A predicament that could cost them the defeat to Dilma Rousseff.

The irony, obviously, lies in the fact that the airport sector was, for years, one of the main battlegrounds of the opposition to Lula and Dilma. Due to the strong social inclusion during the PT governments, the "new middle class" arrived at airports designed exclusively for the elite and caused overcrowding that the media dubbed "air chaos".

The 2014 World Cup solved the problem. Today, the country has airports capable of meeting a demand boosted by the income redistribution of the Workers' Party era, even though the elite and the media refuse to acknowledge the merits of the new airport network.

Ironically, however, Aécio Neves and Marina Silva could be defeated, respectively, by an airport and an airplane. It is becoming clear to the country that the moralism with which these two attack the PT governments of the last 12 years is nothing more than blatant hypocrisy.

Aécio Neves' candidacy was practically thwarted by a fact he thought would go unnoticed: using public money to build an airport on his family's farm, which he frequents all the time.

Aécio tried to fool the country by denying what only the blind can't see: his scandalously obvious personal interest in the execution of the multi-million dollar project.

Media outlets and Aécio's allies said that polls did not register any electoral damage for him because of this episode, but the rapid disintegration of his candidacy, which internal party polls (including the PSDB) have been revealing, proves this damage.

Aécio may not have lost any votes – judging by the polls and, above all, their "margins of error" – but he stopped gaining. He stagnated. Because of this, he was the one most affected by the death of Eduardo Campos.

The fact is that, with the exception of the most radical right wing, everyone is watching the would-be new "prince of the Republic" crumble to the ground.

And then Marina emerges, the political heir to the instant "sanctification" that death grants in Brazil. However, after a few days, the justified outcry from those who lost their homes in the plane crash in Campos begins to wake people up.

It's astonishing that, more than ten days later, no one has yet found the owner of the plane that the deceased politician used so frequently. The blame game is increasingly revealing the shady interests that financed Campos and will continue to finance Marina.

The suspicions of illegality in the use of the aircraft have not yet reached the electorate, but they are already under scrutiny by the Federal Police and the Electoral Court. With each passing day, the origin of that plane and the type of agreements that made it available to Campos become less and less clear.

Even if Marina's opponents lack the courage to exploit the emerging scandal – and, as far as the PSDB is concerned, its trained bloggers and columnists are already exploiting the case – the Electoral Court will hardly be satisfied with vague explanations.

Whose plane was Campos using as his own? Who paid for it? How much was paid? Was it declared to the Electoral Court?

Marina, according to what the media has already admitted, may have her candidacy challenged because of this case.

Even if the Electoral Court doesn't have the courage to go that far, the murky campaign accounts of the PSB already reveal that Marina doesn't have the differences she claims to have compared to other politicians.

Both Marina and Aécio are the kind of politicians for whom the more well-known they become, the worse it is for them.

In Marina's case, even the so-called "market" is beginning to realize that her government would be weak due to a lack of a solid political base. She would have to knock on the doors of the PSDB and PMDB, or the latter and the PT.

Estadão, Época, and Reinaldo Azevedo took the lead in the attack against Marina. In other words, the PSDB took the lead against Marina – even because she is causing more harm to the party, at least for the moment.

The Workers' Party (PT) seems less concerned with Marina Silva than with the media bombardment.

In Dilma's third campaign program, the PT alternated between accusing the media and what the media calls the "us against them" strategy, that is, showing how the common people have come to enjoy what was previously exclusive to the elite, such as access to universities, home ownership, and airports.

During election time, Lula is like an atomic bomb. He's probably one of the politicians who lost the least from the June protests last year, even though Dilma lost the most. The calls for reflection that the former president has been making are bound to have an electoral impact.

Dilma's advantage is that she doesn't need to significantly improve her poll numbers. If she gains just a few points, she could even win in the first round. Marina and Aécio, on the other hand, need much more.

Threatened by a plane and an airport, Mariana and Aécio may have missed the flight that would have taken one of them to the Presidency of the Republic. More irony than that is impossible.