Antifeminism lurking: Poverty continues to have a woman's face.

By Sergio Ferrari - The motivations for this anti-feminist offensive are varied. Among others, there is the struggle for power by sexist and patriarchal sectors; competition in the face of new hierarchical roles assumed by women; and the sociological feelings of a new "marginalization" experienced by young people who believe that advances in gender equality are an attack on their rights and privileges. The anti-feminist offensive also attempts to weaken the claim that extreme poverty in any social situation has a woman's face: approximately 10%, a percentage that has not improved since 2020. If this trend is not substantially modified, by 2030 approximately 351 million women and girls will suffer from the scourge of poverty, and one in three of childbearing age may suffer from anemia, a "social" disease that diminishes energy and threatens overall health.https://www.unwomen.org/es/noticias/comunicado-de-prensa/2024/03/1-de-cada-10-mujeres-en-el-mundo-vive-en-pobreza-extremaIn 2024, women were more likely to experience hunger than men: 26,1% versus 14,2%. In terms of food security, this difference meant 64 million people. Women also suffer almost three more years of life with health problems than men. These data are compounded by the daily reality for women, who generally bear a greater burden of unpaid care work than men and are also excluded from land ownership, finance, and decent jobs. In other words, they lack the tools they need to thrive. According to the UN WomenIn 2024, two billion women and girls lacked access to all forms of social protection, undoubtedly a gender gap that is deepening worldwide.https://news.un.org/es/story/2024/10/1533551).

Antifeminism, a reactionary movement

In an article published on October 19th in the Swiss progressive newspaper The mailIn her article, journalist Dominique Hartmann, editor of the Equality section, argues that "antifeminism is no longer a diffuse phenomenon, but a true social counter-movement," and then interviews historian Alix Heiniger, a member of the magazine's editorial board. New Questions Féministes (NQF).

According to Heiniger, one element of this anti-feminist offensive is the dilution of gender issues in global governance, mainly through the elimination of keywords. Terms such as "reproductive and sexual rights," for example, are gradually disappearing from political and legal texts under the claim that they only serve a "radical" LGBTQI+ agenda. "The weapons of anti-feminism are multiple," emphasizes Heiniger, hence the urgent need to "arm ourselves intellectually and collectively" to confront it.

When describing antifeminism, Heineger proposes "talking about antifeminisms, in the plural," because, in reality, it is the convergence of numerous groups of different ages and motivations with specific objectives: masculinists, movements for parents' rights, incels (men who blame feminist women for their celibacy), among others. However, they share the opinion that equality between the various social gender groups already exists and that what is at stake now is the recovery of "balance." "In reality," argues Heineger, "we know very well that [equality] is not a given, neither for women nor for LGBTIQ+ people." And that the search for this so-called "balance" is, in reality, the way in which antifeminism "operates through a reactionary counter-discourse" to prevent or reverse gender equality.

Why? Simply because its main objective is "to preserve the power of the male social group over the female," and this is achieved by "reversing the gains of feminism." This is why, since the early 1990s, masculinism has functioned as a movement in opposition to feminism. From the year 2000 onwards, the internet gave it remarkable prominence, allowing many people to express opinions anonymously that were theoretically punishable with total impunity due to laws that were very difficult to enforce. For Heineger, the negative outcome is undeniable because the language and acts of violence on the web have direct repercussions in the social and political sphere.

As Heineger points out, right-wing conservative parties have capitalized on this counter-discourse. Specifically, they use it to denounce "gender equality as harmful to the family, but also to the nation." It is fundamentally an offensive against women's rights in the field of human sexuality, such as the right to consent and decide on matters of procreation. Since the election of Donald Trump, for example, this gradual repression has been impacting public health policies in the Global South, where Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), when trying to obtain funding, must refrain from speaking openly about, among other issues, abortion.

"How do we combat antifeminism?" asks Heineger. Her answer: through research and knowledge. In other words, "an informed feminist is worth two." "We must arm ourselves with knowledge," she insists, "to understand these mechanisms that generate violence and discomfort and, thus, better understand the world around us, especially because new strategies are constantly emerging" against feminism.

Protecting abortion as a constitutional right.

On the same day that The mail The Spanish newspaper published this interview. El País She published a two-page analysis titled "The Anti-Feminist Revolution Advances After Decades of Improvements in Equality," with a subtitle: "Spain Attempts to Protect Abortion in the Constitution, as France Has Already Done."

"History never moves in a straight line," states the analysis in the Spanish newspaper. "Nor does the history of feminism." For more than a decade, and in the heat of the reactionary wave sweeping the world, cuts to women's rights have multiplied, even in the Global South and after years of progress towards equality. "It is happening in geographically distant political and cultural regimes that are acting against diversity," the analysis argues, "from Trump's USA to Milei's Argentina, Modi's India, or closer countries like Italy, Hungary, or Poland." But nations like France and Spain are resisting this offensive and justify, for example, the inclusion of abortion in their constitutions "as an antidote to this phenomenon driven by the rise of the far right."

"In most countries, the far-right movement is accompanied by policies, in quotes, of promoting the family, with a model that has nothing to do with diverse and egalitarian families," reflects Cristina Gallach, former Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations and former Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Spain. "It is also linked," adds Gallach, "to a return to more traditional religious values ​​and to cutting off women's access to the labor market," as well as denying sexual and reproductive rights. From the point of view of these countries, "The place of women is the home with the children."

Although this process began ten or fifteen years ago, according to the Spanish newspaper's analysis, Donald Trump's return to the White House last January is a symbol of the strength of this movement. One of his first decisions was to sign an executive order to remove from US government agencies any statement, regulation, or message that "promotes or inculcates gender ideology." Currently, the article argues, national-populist parties related to Trump are trending in the polls in the main Western European countries: France, Germany, and the United Kingdom. And in Italy, Giorgia Meloni, a prime minister who is a heir to the post-fascist era, governs. The paradox, the article concludes, is that, in many cases, these movements considered the spearhead of the anti-feminist counter-revolution are led by political figures such as Marine Le Pen in France or Alice Weidel in Germany—that is, women who have asserted themselves in very masculine parties.

Gender-based violence in Europe

In European Union (EU) countries, around 30% of women have experienced physical violence, threats, and/or sexual violence in their lifetime. 13% suffered physical violence or threats without sexual violence; 17%, sexual violence. These are the conclusions of the latest research conducted by Eurostat, the EU agency for Fundamental Rights, and the European Institute for Gender Equality. Published in the second half of 2024, it surveyed 114.013 women aged 18 to 74.https://eige.europa.eu/publications-resources/publications/eu-gender-based-violence-survey-key-results).

According to this research, gender-based violence refers to any form of violence directed against a person because of their gender. It can manifest in different ways: physical (such as femicide), sexual (such as rape or sexual harassment), psychological, or economic, and can occur in both the public and private spheres. An example is domestic violence, which occurs within the family environment or between current or former spouses or partners. Often, this type of violence is perpetrated by close family members or intimate partners.

The terms "gender violence" and "violence against women" are often used interchangeably, as gender violence is generally committed by men against women. In short, this form of violence is linked to gender power imbalances and is a complex phenomenon influenced by social and cultural structures, as well as ingrained norms and values. Practices such as female genital mutilation, forced marriage, or the non-consensual disclosure of intimate sexual content are considered forms of sexual exploitation. Furthermore, cybercrimes such as cyberbullying, online harassment, or incitement to violence or hatred via the internet are also classified as forms of gender violence.

The EU countries with the highest rates of gender-based violence are Finland, Sweden, and Hungary. In Finland, 57% of women surveyed said they had experienced gender-based violence; 37% had been victims of sexual violence. In Sweden, more than half of women (52%) acknowledged having experienced some type of gender-based violence; 41%, sexual violence. In Hungary, 49% of participants identified themselves as victims of gender-based violence (17%, sexual; 31%, physical). However, the research notes that comparisons between countries should be made with caution, as the perception of harmful or unacceptable behaviors, as well as the degree of awareness and recognition of different types of violence, may vary between Member States.

The European Union's institutional efforts to address this scourge, while ongoing, appear to be insufficient. In the third week of October, the European Parliament (the EU's legislative body) resolved to examine measures and progress in the fight against violence against women and girls, with particular attention to the exploitation of motherhood. "Violence against women and girls," the Parliament stated, "remains one of the most serious violations of human rights in Europe." By resolution of 9 October, Parliament reiterated its commitment to women's rights and gender equality, welcomed the Commission's roadmap on Women's Rights, and approved the Declaration of Principles for an Equal Society.https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/es/agenda/briefing/2025-10-20/8/lucha-contra-la-violencia-contra-la-mujerIn 2024, Parliament approved the first regulation against gender-based violence, with measures for the prevention of rape and greater awareness of consent. Furthermore, the confirmation of the criminalization of forced marriage and female genital mutilation in the EU, as well as the prohibition of private information on the Internet without consent, such as "cyber exhibitionism" (https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/es/press-room/20240419IPR20588/el-parlamento-aprueba-la-primera-normativa-europea-contra-la-violencia-de-genero).

Despite institutional and parliamentary efforts on both sides of the planet, antifeminism in its various forms continues to wage a heavy offensive, always hand in hand with ideologically conservative and denialist political proposals that seek to dictate the universal laws of human existence. In particular, in a West where, thanks to its undeniable economic power and religious conservatism, they also insist on dictating the commandments of a new morality and the rules of the "perfect family".

Translation: Rose Lima