Besides Padilha and Temer, Yunes's accusation implicates Moro.

The testimony that José Yunes gave to the Public Prosecutor's Office, admitting to being a mere "mule" to transport the R$ 4 million bribe from Odebrecht destined for Eliseu Padilha, is devastating for the coup government.

The accusation made by Michel Temer's friend of over half a century sheds light on relevant events in the history of the coup, and may indicate that the components of the coup plan were structured during the 2014 presidential election.

1. Odebrecht complied with Temer's request for R$10 million [the R$4 million to Padilha is part of this amount] handled through Lucio Funaro, during the 2014 election period;

2. Even though he was Dilma's vice-presidential candidate, during the campaign Temer worked for Eduardo Cunha's scheme [who in the election supported Aécio Neves, and not the ticket of his party, the PMDB], which aimed to elect a large bloc of opposition deputies to the Dilma government;

2. The criminal organization used the corruption scheme to finance the campaigns of 140 deputies in order to guarantee Eduardo Cunha's election as President of the Chamber of Deputies;

3. Lúcio Funaro, previously considered exclusively "Eduardo Cunha's operator," was in reality also acting on orders from Eliseu Padilha and, everything indicates, Michel Temer - José Yunes says that Temer knew everything about the "mule" service that Padilha had commissioned him to perform;

4. In January/February 2015, during the race for the presidency of the Chamber of Deputies, although in public Temer feigned a position of "neutrality," behind the scenes he worked for Cunha's election;

5. Even though he was Vice President to President Dilma, the conspirator knew about the coup plan from the beginning and participated in the conspiracy to overthrow her. The first step, as it turned out, would be taken with Eduardo Cunha's victory in the presidency of the Chamber of Deputies to destabilize the political environment, implode the government's projects in Congress, and set the country ablaze.

Yunes's accusation reopens the questioning of the decision, which was at the very least strange, not to say obscure and suspicious, by Judge Sergio Moro. In a ruling dated November 28, 2016, Moro annulled, deeming "irrelevant," the questions about José Yunes that the imprisoned Cunha addressed to Temer, who was listed as his defense witness.

Moro now has the obligation to provide more convincing and objective explanations than the subjective argument of "irrelevance" alleged in the ruling. Otherwise, the suspicion will remain that he acted improperly to protect Temer and cover up the criminal scheme that would have overthrown the coup government. After all, knowing of Michel Temer's direct involvement in the criminal scheme, would Moro have acted to conceal the fact?

It becomes clearer every day that Brazil is dominated by the kleptocracy that seized state power through the coup. The best thing Temer could do for the country would be to fire the entire corrupt gang – starting with Eliseu Padilha – and resign, because he has completely lost political confidence and credibility.

Temer's illegitimate continued presence in the presidential chair is an insurmountable obstacle to Brazil's recovery, which will thus continue its accelerated path to the abyss.