Ah, so Gilmar Mendes is getting annoyed now, is he?

My friend, Administrative Assistant Michael Lopes Paulinelli, Belo Horizonte, MG

One of the historical signs that the dominant system is beginning to crumble is when its leaders openly show divisions and clash.

I never had any illusions about the unbeatable unity of the right wing. It always bases its alliances on individual and group interests. When those interests are dissatisfied, they start fighting.

The interests revolve around business dealings riddled with financial corruption and political machinations, completely unrelated to society or the nation. On the contrary, the people and the nation are merely means of business to satisfy the consumerist frenzy of the so-called elite, gigantic because it is both national and international. And that's all.

For some time now, ever since the wave of vigilante justice signaled by the so-called "mensalão" scandal—a term coined by the playboy and errand boy of the global "upper" bourgeoisie, Roberto Jefferson—and continuing through the stripteases of the Lava Jato task force, with Sérgio Moro as its poster boy and idol of the pot-banging ladies, cracks in the illusory unity point to divisions within the dominant group.

In the "ministry" and "government" of the coup leader Michel Temer, the divisive marks are clear, with the national commander of corruption, Eduardo Cunha, who certainly runs the risk of assassination by his basement companions, safely holding in his hands the animalistic member that evolution led humanity to lose, but which the devolved apes still have in the final part of their moral spine.

In the judicial field, occupied by those who attempt a dictatorship disguised as legality, but furious against our Federal Constitution, which still has a progressive soul, the divisions foreshadow the fall of the castle without broad national and social foundations.

The cracks in the ruling castes are real, and we must help them widen to hasten the downfall of the bloc that is bleeding all democratic energy, representative of the desires for social justice of the majority of our people.

The empire fell, despite assassinating Tiradentes, Frei Caneca, and many revolutionaries, whose spilled blood fueled the lamps of struggle, because the bloc representing the businesses that were oppressing the new Brazil, which was beginning to emerge, split, with some abandoning the rat poison basements and others even siding with the fighters. This was the case with the slave-owning alliance of Minas Gerais, Rio de Janeiro, and São Paulo, which collapsed thanks to the immense mobilization of the masses in favor of the liberation of slaves. A minor official of the empire, Princess Isabel, signed the flawed and limited manumission of slaves in the Rio de Janeiro City Council, literally besieged by the mobilization of the social base, which also included deserters from the ruined caste.

I could give more examples with the overthrow of the dictatorship, for instance, with some of its long-time supporters, who shattered the unity of the terror bloc, thanks to the powerful energy that flowed from prisons, exile, the forests, and the urban world, which bravely fought against that bloody and subservient filth, tinged with fascist prejudices and hatred.

That was the "Diretas Já" movement. And that's how it will be with today's theatrical coup, which is taking root in parliament, in some state governments, in the media (we always have to mention that) and, undeniably, in the judiciary, where former sympathizers of the dictatorship and the nefarious neoliberalism, cruelly practiced by another traitor to science and the most progressive political commitments in which he participated, Mr. Fernando Henrique Cardoso, take refuge.

In national life, there are two historical movements in conflict: one is that of an elite uncommitted to the country and to social justice in its numerous facets, including that of the judiciary; the other is the mass movement, which is occasionally undermined by some who act in the opposite way to what others at the top undertake when they descend to the people, enchanted by the crumbs that fall on the tables of the inhuman plutocracy.

Regarding the judiciary, the brilliant and admirable journalist Luis Nassif, possessing an astonishing power of synthesis and objectivity, defined it very well by describing its pettiness in the form of murderous actions and its decay, doing everything but justice: “The ease with which reputations are assassinated, even those of Supreme Court Justices, shows the degree of decay of Brazilian institutions” (read more). here).

What Nassif wrote about the institutions, including the impeachment trial in the Senate, presided over by the president of the Supreme Federal Court, is corroborated by the Deputy Attorney General of the Republic during the FHC government and Attorney General of the Union during the Lula government, Álvaro Ribeiro Costa, in a powerful, prophetic letter to the coup plotters led by Michel Temer: “It doesn't matter if the destroyer of the pillars of democratic order can eventually make use of a corrupt and foul-smelling parliamentary majority or of biased and discredited judges. When injustice and corruption masquerade as law and morality, righteous indignation and resistance become an obligation (it's worth reading the entire letter). here).

Returning to Luis Nassif, the text he wrote mentioning the decay of the judiciary refers to Gilmar Mendes' "anger" towards Veja magazine, the Lava Jato task force, and his sordid revenge in fancifully reporting that the construction company OAS paid bribes to Supreme Court Justice Dias Toffoli.

Declaring that even though he dislikes Toffoli, the blogger-journalist asserts that what they did was character assassination, demonstrating "the enormous power of blackmail that Lava Jato has acquired. It's enough to induce a whistleblower to mention anything about an adversary of the operation to destroy their name. And all this while using the state power vested in delegates and prosecutors. It's the very essence of a police state."

Gilmar Mendes criticizes what Sérgio Moro conceptualizes as recordings made in good faith, even though they are inadmissible as evidence. He also criticizes the lack of limits in the pressure exerted on those under investigation to force them into making plea bargains.

The ruralist, still a member of the Supreme Court, seems to adopt my language when he strongly accuses Moro and his Lava Jato operation, with its powerful and vain public prosecutors, supported by us, of practicing totalitarian delusions. His literal phrase in this regard is very interesting: “We are already approaching the dangerous territory of totalitarian delusions. It seems to me that [the Lava Jato prosecutors] are possessed by a kind of absolutist theory of fighting crime at any cost” (here).

This, at any cost and under delirium, includes the assassination of reputations, as Nassif writes, and the power represented by the spoiled, vengeful, jealous, and powerful (as they wrote (Márcio Chaer, Pedro Canário and Marcelo GalliFederal prosecutors, who hate "habeas corpus," and judges who respect it, as Dias Toffoli did when granting the release from the showy imprisonment of former minister Paulo Bernardo.

In conclusion, this whole episode involving Veja magazine, the Lava Jato operation with its leader Sérgio Moro, the protest by Gilmar Mendes and others shows the following: 1. Gilmar is now fighting against the "delusional" abuses and with Veja because this garbage touched on his protégé and his class-based interest in the worst actions against true law, against the justice widely denied to the people, and against democracy. When it's against Lula and Dilma, everything is fine. The fight is, therefore, theater within the big house against the slave quarters; 2. However, in the feud, a rift appears that begins to damage the dominant bloc. By engaging in a bogged-down fight (small monkeys that, when they disagree, throw hot excrement at each other), they signal the discomfort that the critical situation of the people is bringing to the thrones of the powerful; 3. By mutually insulting each other, they recognize themselves as a gallery of dominators, delusional, vengeful, blackmailers, and users of methods to destroy the people they hate. Their angry speeches reveal the truth we have always denounced: they are powerful, vindictive, and petty when using the powers the State grants them. Instead of serving the people, they serve themselves through the State.

However, one cannot yet identify deep and absolute disunity at the top of the dominant bloc. But it is good to know that they have already begun to fight amongst themselves.

It is necessary to build a more solid national, popular, and all-social-sector unity to hasten the dismantling at the top, so that those most susceptible to change descend, and finally, it is necessary that we advance even further in the fight against the gang that denounces each other and promote the profound changes that we deserve and that Brazil deserves.

"The time is coming..." for us to exercise our right to indignation and just resistance, advancing against our perennial oppressors.