The fight against fascism continues.

Normalizing fascist attitudes has always been a mistake. The movement's growth now feels unhindered and shows its true colors, as in the case of Elon Musk, who asked people not to be ashamed of supremacist gestures. For a time, the gesture of sweeping small fascist acts under the rug was common. How can you speak to a divided society if it's seen as moralistic pedantry or morbid cleansing? If the rug seems clean, why really clean it? Leftover dirt and social embarrassments that form a bump in the rug don't reveal years of accumulated garbage beneath it. 

French far-right leader Marine Le Pen has been disqualified from holding office after being convicted of misappropriating funds from the European Union to finance her campaign. The justice system's response was an execution of French democracy, while Le Pen's speech at the end of her sentence claimed that there is a conspiracy against her to prevent her from winning the French elections. Does this remind you of anyone on the far right in Brazil? After all, the discourses of the global far right are interconnected. Just remember that they advocate for a lean state, as Milei has done in Argentina. Every liberal believes that social inequalities are part of a natural order and that reducing the size of the state would liberate economic forces—a concept that originated in Benito Mussolini's regime.

That's why rugs aren't for decoration. They're for cleaning. Sweeping under the rug seems, to the observer, like a politeness that requires no effort. Cleaning that doesn't need cleaning. This concept has cost us dearly in recent times. In fact, Mussolini himself produced discursive materials to normalize and institutionalize fascism in Italy. There are three pillars of the movement's stability: legitimation, repression, and co-optation. Some studies suggested that these ideals would only prosper in Europe, as Renzo de Felice believed that fascism would have its limits in early 20th-century Europe due to characteristics of the continent that could not be reproduced elsewhere, such as the late formation of nation-states, moral decay, the impacts of the First World War, and the Bolshevik threat.

But we can see, as Emilio Gentile states, fascism in contrast to the idea of ​​political religion. For the Italian historian, the process of secularization with the advent of modernity, coupled with mass politics, created a blurred boundary between religion and politics. In this way, the Nazi-fascist movements of the 20th century formed a kind of cult, with elements of a religion, such as dogmas and the belief in an infallible leader. The fear of Bolsonaro, Le Pen, and Trump is losing this status of mass adoration, with society pointing out their moral failings and rampant corruption.

The argument is that what's done is done, and it's very difficult to undo. After all, "Communist is the pseudonym that conservatives, conformists, and those nostalgic for fascism invented to simplistically designate anyone who clamors for and fights for social justice." For those who remember, this is a phrase from Érico Veríssimo's book, *Incident in Antares*. For the market, it doesn't matter if the person representing them is a fascist, but at the first sign of popular weakness, discovery of their schemes, or lack of support, they are mercilessly ousted. Le Pen will step out of the spotlight at this point. She will continue to influence the movement. We already find this aspect in Freud, who, in the mass psychology of fascism, shows that when the leader shows weakness, they tend to be replaced by another.

The carpets need to be in place and indignation needs to be a present feeling.