Transitional Justice is starting again.

The Day of Dishonor, January 8th, and the Yanomami genocide provided substantial, compelling raw material for the implementation of JT.

No one can accuse us of seeking revenge, no one can tell us to forget the past, because it is the present that is at stake. 

The Bolsonaro coup attempt and the Yanomami genocide were only discovered because democracy defeated the coup attempt in the elections, but did not bury it.  

Bolsonaro and his aides once condenados through genocide, the military, accomplices of the Bolsonaro vandals, criminalizedDamares, Moro and Dallagnol sentenced to the loss of their respective mandates. and also processed, A bridge is being built for Transitional Justice.

Holding the military personnel directly and indirectly involved in the attempted coup of January 8th civilly and criminally liable, once their chain of command is identified, could be the key to unraveling the 2016 coup and the 64 military dictatorship.

Even if it doesn't reach 64 in the first stage, the precedent will be set, and the jurisprudence will be a landmark for future steps in the Labor Court.  

Minister Fux, who has been holding up the request for reinterpretation of the Amnesty Law by the Inter-American Court for 11 years, is going against the grain of the times, and the Supreme Federal Court needs to be pressured by Minister Silvio Almeida and all the relevant organizations to put it on the agenda.

The law does not grant amnesty to military personnel responsible for serious human rights violations (crimes that do not have a statute of limitations), neither those of yesterday nor those of today who participated, through direct or indirect intent, in the attempted coup of January 8th. 

A democracy cannot survive for long with a past of impunity, just as a healthy society should not forget the generation of '68 that gave their lives and relinquished individual dreams in the fight against the dictatorship.

Despite its ups and downs, representative democracy has survived; four generations were born under the Citizen Constitution and have experienced the freedom to think, speak, organize, demonstrate, and fight for what they believe in. 

They are learning that winning and losing are part of democratic life.

Democracy is not just a form of government, but also a way of being for society. 

Values ​​such as recognition, gratitude, solidarity, and justice shape generations, while forgetfulness, indifference, anguish, and impunity distort a society. 

The State has debts to the past. And the ghosts of the past will continue to haunt the present and future of the Brazilian nation as long as these debts are not settled with honor and dignity.

"I think that all people involved in acts that harmed the Brazilian state and the democratic rule of law, including the torturers of the dictatorship, must be brought to justice."" (Minister Silvio Almeida of Human Rights)."

Nothing could be more encouraging for us at the Brazil Network – Memory, Truth and Justice, than this statement from the head of the Ministry of Human Rights. 

It was at the heart of the matter, past and present on trial, to rebuild the democratic rule of law.

With this official commitment from the minister, the era of impunity for military perpetrators against the nation will come to an end.

However, the JT should not be implemented piecemeal and intermittent; continuity and independence from governments are essential. 

Therefore, in accordance with the RBMVJ's Manifesto for Transitional Justice and 22 other diverse entities (indigenous, black, and political amnesty recipients), we advocate for a Permanent State Commission for Memory, Reparation, and Reforms (CEPMR), created by law, whose validity period should not be temporal but qualitative, that is, when the accountability of all individuals involved in acts that harmed the democratic rule of law is achieved, including the torturers of the military dictatorship, in line with the statements of Minister Silvio Almeida.

Therefore, and immediately, the 29 recommendations of the National Truth Commission must be made known and implemented.    

The suggested composition for CEPMR It consists of at least 8 (eight) members, with a five-year term, renewable.

Representatives from the Executive branch (Ministry of Human Rights), the Legislative branch (Human Rights Committee of the Chamber of Deputies), the Federal Public Prosecutor's Office (same), the Federal Public Defender's Office (same), and organized civil society (indigenous movements, black movements, amnestied individuals, and the children and grandchildren of former prisoners of the dictatorship). 

The dialogue between the government, Congress, and civil society for the establishment of the Permanent State Commission for Memory, Reparation, and Reforms will be a process that requires skill, political maturity, and transparency, above all, to avoid repeating the mistakes of the past.

In this context, it is unacceptable that even the right wing that makes up the government and Congress should defend impunity for torturers and those who orchestrate coups against democracy. 

The objective and subjective conditions are more favorable than ever before.

The institutional and social communication network will play a crucial role in providing society with the reasons and foundations for the importance and necessity of transitional justice.

Breaking with the historical cycle of impunity will lead Brazil to a new civilizational platform.