The photo of Aécio and Moro, along with their immoral decision, highlight the decay of justice and the coup orchestrated by the elite.

Friend Antonio Claudio Nardelli, Curitiba, PR

The details of the plots, the actors' expressions, and the experiences of their characters.

As a lighting technician, my friend understands theater and knows it well, divided between actors on stage and the audience that deeply evaluates texts and the embodiment of their messages, seeing when life flows or when the actors sabotage it by killing their characters.

We are living through a profound crisis in Brazil. On the stage of the three branches of government – ​​the executive occupied by the dirty coup, the parliament where insane and vile individuals operate, and the judiciary, at all levels – the roles of justice are exercised by immoral, unethical, and deceitful traitors to Brazil. We are witnessing actors of the worst kind, who are only concerned with saving their narcissistic, selfish, and mediocre performances and protecting themselves from the democratic hemorrhage that will overwhelm them with the force of the revolution.

I wasn't surprised by the photo that went viral on social media showing the fraternal party between Sérgio Moro and Aécio Neves.

I'm not surprised by what I've known for a long time. As for Aécio, the Brazilian people know he's a criminal mentioned in numerous Lava Jato testimonies, a true hotbed of coup plotters and scoundrels, known, therefore, to his smiling, romantically-hugging partisan and ideological accomplice in the photo, who uses his public office as a judge to falsify, lie, and fuel the Brazilian fascist right.

Regarding Sérgio Moro, numerous Brazilian and international intellectuals – all of whom I have cited extensively on my blog and channel – have long denounced him as being sold to the interests of surrendering our sovereignty and to a right-wing political faction here in Brazil. His actions as a bourgeois delinquent who affronts the Constitution, especially concerning the impartiality of the judiciary and national sovereignty, make this judge a morally small being and a mercenary in the service of multinational corporations, particularly those in the oil industry.

The merit of this photo, taken at an event for the disgusting and manipulative magazine "Isto É" – which should change its name to "This Is Pure Lie" – only confirms the fraternal meeting between two neoliberal right-wing allies. The senator shames the Senate and Brazil, while the judge degrades justice in an effort to turn it into the garbage it has become.

But they celebrate shamelessly now, in public. After all, rats can't stand living in the shadows and sewers all the time. Even scoundrels fraternize.

I wasn't surprised either, my friend, by the Supreme Federal Court's legal maneuvering to support the liberal Renan Calheiros, the coup-plotting president of the Senate, in continuing the theater of horrors of destroying Brazil with Constitutional Amendment Proposal 55.

The news from the last 48 hours reveals the underlying alliance of hell between the judiciary, the National Congress, the treacherous coup-plotting government, the media, and the profit-driven business sector, both nationally and internationally.

In their eagerness to secure the approval of the devastating attack against social rights represented by the deepening of the "pec da maldade" (a controversial amendment to the Constitution), the newspaper O Globo itself reported that Minister Cármen Lúcia, president of the Supreme Federal Court (STF), called the traitor and coup plotter Michel Temer to mediate with Renan Calheiros to withdraw the bill to punish judges, prosecutors, and police officers for abuses of power. Certainly, this was where the negotiation – not to say trickery – came in, in the sense that the STF plenary would leave the current president in office, but remove him from the line of presidential succession, to avoid the risk of the "pec da morte" itself being withdrawn from the agenda and the coup-plotting misgovernment having nowhere to steal public money to donate to the banks.

Another news report warns that one of the Supreme Court justices advised Renan not to sign the judicial communication regarding his removal from the presidency of the Senate by a unilateral decision of Justice Marco Aurélio, and to "resist," in a kind of false civil disobedience. It will be difficult to guess which justice instructed Renan to stage this rebellious charade.

In the Supreme Court's immoral maneuver to favor Renan and Constitutional Amendment 55, is there any difference between Sérgio Moro and what the judiciary should be as the vanguard of rights guaranteed by the Constitution? None. The rotten judiciary has been allied with the gang of crooks in the Chamber of Deputies and scoundrels in the Senate since the dawn of the coup. The Supreme Court did nothing to stop the criminal Eduardo Cunha from his sordid escapades in sinking democracy and Brazil into the abyss, just as it did nothing now to remove from the presidency of the Senate the friend of the ministers who did everything to increase their lavish salaries and privileges. Renan is fundamental in helping his accomplice Michel Temer destroy the best that Brazil has: its working class, its patriotic business community, and its wealth.

I'm not deluding myself, my friend. Nothing will come from the Presidential Palace, the National Congress, or the judiciary to solve Brazil's serious problems. The rats and the corrupt are governing Brazil, leading it toward the sewer and the abyss.

I disagree with Minister Marco Aurélio, who confessed to being ashamed of the immoral maneuver by the majority of the Supreme Court plenary that decided in favor of Renan and his maneuvers to bury social rights.

Marco Aurélio is wrong when he says that "...I think we could have moved forward as I said in my vote yesterday, and that we ended up endorsing a real institutional mockery. This is in the vote and, by resorting to the famous Brazilian way of doing things with the decision, the Supreme Court, in my view, as an institution, the last bastion of citizenship, has come out worn down. Now the Senate has also come out worn down (...). I don't look favorably on the court's solution," said Marco Aurélio Mello in an interview with Rádio Jovem Pan.

The Supreme Court is far from being the last bastion of citizenship. Neither Congress nor the government are anything anymore in terms of defending democracy and the true citizenship of the Brazilian people.

They've all turned into a counter-trench and a marketplace for the worst mafia deals. They've lost all moral authority. You can't expect anything from them anymore.

It's no use insisting on the attitudes that are still being adopted:

The passionate speeches of the left in the Chamber and Senate chambers are useless against marginal deputies and senators who want nothing more than to make laws and approve unpatriotic, anti-national, and anti-social projects. The mob is the majority.

It is no longer useful for the coordinators of social movements to hold meetings, give the floor for three minutes to deliver innocuous, repetitive, and propagandistic speeches that do not mobilize the people, do not resonate with society, and only serve as exhibitions for the competing factions.

Social media "activism" leads nowhere and only serves to soothe the anger of those who hide from the struggle.

What paths are there if nothing comes from above, and the people abhor them for their uselessness, and if those below do not voluntarily organize themselves in the chaos that has been established?

Parliamentarians committed to the people and to the fight against the coup should tone down the rhetoric from the podium, and instead use their mandates, the salaries they receive, and office funds to inject money into large-scale mobilizations.

Online "activists" should seek training through the study of political science and dedicate themselves to real, unified struggle within social movements. Only this will overthrow the current state of affairs.

Before assemblies, seminars, and plenary sessions, the leadership of social movements and progressive parties must meet with the goal of building the necessary unity to construct essential agendas for the struggle. Then they must mobilize their bases and engage the people, drawing the masses away from the shameless media, motivating the people to swell the ranks in the fight to defend the Nation and democracy, which is truly in danger today.

In this regard, parliamentarians should be called upon to financially and politically reinforce the march for change. This is what happened in the overthrow of the dictatorship and in the "direct elections now" campaign. There is no other way.

One of the points on the agenda, I think, should be to push for a constitutional amendment to call for direct general elections: for president, senators, representatives, governors, state legislatures, city councilors, and mayors. Without that, it will be impossible to govern Brazil under the current gang of corrupt, reactionary, and right-wing individuals who hate the people and Brazil.

The new government's program should include the resumption of social programs and state investment in the people, the recovery of state-owned companies given away through marginal policies from FHC (Fernando Henrique Cardoso) to the current traitor and coup-plotting Temer, strengthening international policy in a multipolar world, freeing it from the imperialist clutches of the United States and Europe, political, economic and media reforms, nationalizing all media, judicial reform by dismissing all current judges and promoting elections for magistrates, including those who have not studied law, and all the reforms that have not been done until now.

It is crucial, my friend, that we no longer expect anything from the mafias that have hijacked the State, the parliament, the police, and the judiciary. The institutions have rotted under the project that is currently misgoverning Brazil.

With this parliament and, for the most part, with the state governments, no one can govern Brazil, no matter how much goodwill they might have.

Nothing can be conceived outside of this methodology of struggle and this government project with reforms.

In this way, the actors will construct the text of the people and the Nation without leaving them in the mere condition of an audience, manipulated and deceived by charlatan actors on a stage that is hostile to all.

Disappointments, depression, sadness, and discouragement are not values ​​of life, but of death. We are called to believe and to build hope in the righteous and good struggle.