The hunt for Lula is an open door to fascism.

There are two fascist mechanisms underway in Brazil that converge on the common goal of annihilating the PT (Workers' Party), Lula, and PT ideology.

One of these mechanisms is the legal-media-parliamentary coup to overthrow President Dilma through the impeachment A fraudulent coup, perpetrated by a corrupt majority in Congress with the scandalous complicity of most of the Supreme Court justices. The coup relies on the legitimizing narrative of the news media.

The other fascist mechanism is the legal-media-police condominium, an intelligent and sophisticated undertaking that brings together these same sectors of the Judiciary, the Federal Police, the Supreme Federal Court, the leadership of the Public Prosecutor's Office, and the media spearheaded by the Globo, Folha, Estadão, and Abril groups.

This group controls Lava Jato, an operation that has been transformed into an instrument of ideological persecution and destruction of adversaries. Political enemies are relentlessly hunted and fought. Meanwhile, friends and allies are protected, and their involvement in corruption is meticulously concealed.

It is abundantly clear that Lava Jato does not prioritize the exclusive fight against corruption and does not seek to restore morality and public ethics, as its activists claim, who dedicate a good part of their working time to political proselytizing, even in religious services. The real target of the Lava Jato leaders is only one: the PT, Lula, Dilma, and PT members.

The Petrobras corruption scandal, perfected during the FHC administration by the same corrupt individuals who unfortunately parasitized the PT's class-conciliation governments, has nearly 150 convicted individuals, including former company directors, politicians, contractors, businesspeople, lobbyists, and money launderers.

Besides those already convicted, there are dozens of other implicated people who, however, are not being investigated, because they are the 34 federal deputies from the PP party, the entire leadership [including Temer] and politicians from the PMDB party, a former president of the PSDB party, as well as deputies and senators from the PSDB and DEM parties – Aécio, Serra, Aloysio Nunes, Agripino Maia, etc.

Among the hundreds implicated, only half a dozen are linked to the PT [who should, therefore, be judged for the wrongdoings committed]. Despite this reality, the corruption at Petrobras, whose criminal machinery was established during the FHC government, is cynically dubbed by Janot, Moro, Gilmar Mendes, the Federal Police, and the media as the "PT's Petrobras scandal"!

Sérgio Moro and his fellow justice-seeking prosecutors are facing a dilemma. They, who decisively contributed to destabilizing the country and ousting Dilma, continue to turn Lula's life upside down, but cannot find a single clue or piece of evidence – because it doesn't exist – to incriminate him.

The vigilantes are eager to end Lava Jato, after all, a valuable part of the plan has already succeeded: the farce of... impeachment President Dilma. But they cannot end it, however, without first achieving the fundamental objective of incriminating, convicting, and imprisoning Lula to politically annihilate him and prevent him from returning to the Presidency of Brazil.

The poisonous connection between the media and judges, prosecutors, and police officers to enable a power strategy is lethal to democracy because it opens a door to fascism. When public officials from the judiciary, police, and prosecutor's office don their robes and uniforms to act selectively against a specific part of society to the detriment of universal criteria of justice, they are ideologically rigging the State for authoritarian and persecutory purposes.

Hannah Arendt, in “The origins of totalitarianism”, it details the “Dreyfus affairThe Dreyfus Affair, which occurred at the end of the 19th century, is cited as an example of fascist action, in which a slanderous press, in collusion with the judiciary, condemned an innocent French army officer without evidence. The Dreyfus Affair has become an important theoretical reference in studies on the origins of anti-Semitism, Nazism, and totalitarian processes.

Nazism was not born during the Second World War [1939/1945], when it revealed its full morbid and anti-civilizational power; but it was born earlier, during the years of Adolf Hitler's rise and the "banality of evil" that stigmatized Jews as a "race" that should be persecuted and exterminated. The Holocaust came a few years later.

In Brazil, Nazi-fascism takes on a tangible form in the hatred of members of the Workers' Party (PT) that is propagated in "non-partisan" schools, on "non-partisan" TV, in "non-partisan" newspapers, in the "non-partisan" Public Prosecutor's Office, in the "non-partisan" Federal Police, and in the "non-partisan" Supreme Court.

Sad nation forced to live "without a party," condemned to the deception of those ultra-ideological individuals who cynically use this discourse to manipulate the people and destroy political adversaries, stigmatized in a fascist manner and transformed into enemies who must be eliminated, simply because they are different and think differently.